In 1648 a bunch of guys
sat down and decided that the best way to end wars of religion would
be to create
states.
Sovereign states with sovereign rulers, and what happened inside those
states was no one's business but the rulers'. People eventually
stopped warring over religion, at least in Europe – they started
warring “internationally” instead, as states became nations
and saw in themselves something intrinsically unique to their
respective nations that must be defended at all costs.
Bloodshed
ensued.
Within the last 100 years the entire planet has been fitted into a
neat pattern of nations, states, nation states, term it as you
please, nice coloured spaces on the map, characterised by their
internal affairs being nobody's business but their own. It is seen as a result
of 'development', as something inevitable, as all societies must
eventually progress towards having a State, and this is a Good Thing.
While we're at last shedding some of the “my genocide is nobody's business but my own”
thinking,
and people are also beginning to get a grip of why “everybody must
develop so as to be as civilised as us” may be deemed
offensive,
that a state should be inevitable is not so easily forgotten.
Historians and other clever people sought out evidence in the sources
of history to show why all peoples must eventually develop state
structures in order to govern themselves, as not having a ruling
power is equal to being Neanderthals, to paraphrase only slightly.
Which brings me to what I want to present to you today. Is the State
inevitable?
Not everybody bought into
this thinking, you see; is it not our jobs as anthropologists to
question the seemingly given? So I introduce to you: Pierre Clastres.
He was a French anthropologist, studied with
Lévi-Strauss,
did fieldwork in the Amazon, and died too young. He is remembered for
some ground-breaking work, though. For he is the author of “Society Against the State”,
a book on the nature of power, of violence, and of statehood. His
argument is quite complex, and I'm a busy woman, so I'll just give
you a brief(ish) summary of his major points, to waken your curiosity
for more, and hopefully shake up your notions of things a bit –
that is always healthy.
What Clastres did was to
conceptually separate power from violence. Social scientists would
look at so-called archaic societies, see no coercive power
structures, and assume that these societies were apolitical and
powerless, not to mention primitive. What Clastres argued in contrast
was that there is no such thing as apolitical societies, the
political is inherent in social life – the question is the form it
takes. All societies are political. Power can be both coercive
(violent) and non-coercive. Political power as coercion is just one
variety, but not the universal one. That there is not coercive power
present in a society does not mean that it is void of power. Just as
there is no social life without the political, “there are no
societies without power”.
Amerindian Societies
The case study for this
argument is the pre-colonial societies in South America (Clastres
says “Amerindian”, to be used forthwith). People were living in small independent
groups, with seemingly powerless chiefs, and went about their
business not doing what the chief told them to do should he try to
tell them, only paying attention to him in situations of war. The
rest of the time, the chiefs had to be peacemakers; they had to be
generous with everything they had (give it away if someone asked),
and they had to talk a lot, and talk well, and every day. All this in
exchange for wives and the formality of the position. Since women are
more valuable than any amount of talking, the chiefs had to do a
whole lot of talking and give away everything all the time, and still
it could never be enough. Whenever he tried to force people to do as
he told them, he would be ridiculed and ignored – coercion was not
welcome. This is why he had to make peace; because war meant he would
get power to order about people, and that was not socially desirable.
At times war happened nonetheless, but a chief who did not make a
real effort at avoiding it and sought out conflict constantly would eventually
be abandoned (even on the field of battle). The chief's word carried
no force of law, and he must attempt at convincing people through
persuasion. Should he fail, he would lose his position, and he was
under the power of society; society exercised authority on him and
not the other way around. Power was kept in check. The chief's power
negated reciprocity (which anthropologically means an exchange of
something of equal value, both real
and symbolic, not the “US tariff walls are the same as Burkina Faso
tariff walls” nonsense they try to make us believe in IR and the
like nowadays), and reciprocity was the basis of these societies, so the power
of the chief negated society. These people did not want power, so
they removed it by reducing it to impotence.
The Body as a Canvas
The laws of any society
must be remembered. The body is a convenient place to write them so
that people do not forget. Many initiation rites (that's where you go
from child to adult in this case) involve physical modification and
torture – this is in order “to teach the individual something”.
The scars stay there and remind you what you were supposed to learn,
what society wanted you to learn; they are a marker for your
inclusion in society. You must stay silent during this torture, to
show that you accept to become a full member of the community. The
scars show that you have endured what all others had to endure, that
you are one of them. That you are no more than them, and no less than
them. The law is written into you body in this way. And it shows the
refusal of society to accept power and inequality. It says, “You
will not have the desire for power; you will not have the desire for
submission.” These societies are not simply stateless, as they were
so often labelled, they are against
the State with its inherent power inequalities and coercion,
and they make sure their individuals know this before these can even
conceive of the idea.
Rejection of Economy
The Amerindian societies
of Clastres had what some labelled a subsistence economy; they did as
much as needed in order to survive, no more, no less. Maybe 3-4 hours
of work a day was required, the rest of the time they spent laying
about in idleness. For why should they do more? They had no need of
excess, and they saw no sense in the idea of “man must work” in
order to be fully human. Man works more than necessary only when
forced to do so, and there was nobody to force these people; they
actively rejected work. Excess makes an economy, and coercion makes
economy a political one, for excess means inequality, and inequality
means coercive power. Refusal to be engulfed by work and production
is also the prohibition of competition and of inequality. It is a
refusal of economy.
The specific organisations
in these societies show no relation between mode of subsistence and
of the type of society. Agriculture or hunter-gathering; nomadic or
sedentary life styles – all the combinations were seen in the
pre-colonial Amerindian societies. Their economies had no influence
on their political structure, and their refusal of economy was not
what determined their form of organising themselves. Only the advent
of hierarchical society and coercive power had any influence on the
creation of a State.
Against Coercive Power
All this could be done as
long as the societies were relatively small; Clastres sees the
emergence of something resembling state power in the Tupi-Guarani
societies, which numbered several thousand inhabitants each, and
chieftainships with a power not seen elsewhere. What might have
happened here was .. shall we say interrupted, by a bunch of European
guys jumping in and killing people, yet Clastres makes the point that
the societies themselves were rebelling, slowly. Prophets were
coming, causing an uprising among the people.
These prophets had power,
however. Their words carried a power that those of the chiefs were
never allowed to achieve. Clastres ends on this note: Maybe the
origin of the discourse of power lies in the discourse of prophets,
and that is where the Despot (of a State) would ultimately appear.
But the history of these people without history is that of their
struggle against the State.
But What About the Women?
Now, let it be said,
before anything, that I think Clastres did some impressive work, and
I'm personally very besmitten with his theories. But that should not
spare them of criticism, for there are some valid ones to be made.
I'll stick to one, though, as this is what I know something about.
The women.
Clastres paints a thorough
picture of societies against the State, of societies without coercive
power; and it may be true that the men where not coerced, and lived
in a society without power being exercised on them. But women were
exchanged, given to the chief as seen fit by whoever, and rarely was
a woman a chief (though apparently it did happen at times). I obviously have
no way of knowing whether they had to be dragged screaming to the
next village to get married; somehow I doubt it though. But symbolic power
is the invisible power that socialises us into doing what we are
expected to do without realising it, maybe even making us think this
is always the best for ourselves. It is what makes women walk in high heels that hurt their feet and their bodies, what makes them want to
avoid spaces where they are not welcome, such as the public one.
Violence does not have to be physical to be coercive; Clastres was
aware of this regarding chiefs, and men – he does not seem to
consider that it might apply to women too. I have not been able to
find any recognition that it might even be worth discussing in his
work, besides a few pages saying, basically, (and I paraphrase)
“totally not a problem”, “women could make babies, so created
life, so they were cool”, and “they only had the babies they
wanted to have”. Which... well. Ignoring half the population is not cool, and not highly effective either. Clastres himself is off the hook,
so I guess means there's nothing for it but for someone else to pick
it up and continue the work, and see what might come of it.
Note: Clastres' argument is immensely complex, and I may have misrendered some points in my hurry.
Unclearness would be due to my writing, and I apologise in advance
for that.
Clastres,
Pierre. 2007[1974]. Society
Against the State [La Société contre l'état].
New York: Zone Books
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